Methods


17
May 12

Replication, Publication Bias, and Negative Findings

I came across fascinating read on some of the important problems that plague the scientific process in the social sciences and elsewhere. From an article by Ed Yong in the May 2012 edition of Nature:

Positive results in psychology can behave like rumours: easy to release but hard to dispel. They dominate most journals, which strive to present new, exciting research. Meanwhile, attempts to replicate those studies, especially when the findings are negative, go unpublished, languishing in personal file drawers or circulating in conversations around the water cooler. “There are some experiments that everyone knows don’t replicate, but this knowledge doesn’t get into the literature,” says Wagenmakers. The publication barrier can be chilling, he adds. “I’ve seen students spending their entire PhD period trying to replicate a phenomenon, failing, and quitting academia because they had nothing to show for their time.” (…)

One reason for the excess in positive results for psychology is an emphasis on “slightly freak-show-ish” results, says Chris Chambers, an experimental psychologist at Cardiff University, UK. “High-impact journals often regard psychology as a sort of parlour-trick area,” he says. Results need to be exciting, eye-catching, even implausible. Simmons says that the blame lies partly in the review process. “When we review papers, we’re often making authors prove that their findings are novel or interesting,” he says. “We’re not often making them prove that their findings are true.”

I have briefly discussed the lack of replication in economics here, but in short, the issue is that once a finding is published, there are practically no incentives for people to replicate those findings.

There are two reasons for this. The first is that journals tend to want to publish only novel results, so even if you manage to confirm someone else’s findings, there will be few takers for your study unless you do something significantly different… in which case you’re no longer doing replication.

The second is the tendency to publish only studies in which the authors find support for their hypothesis. This is known as “publication bias.”

For example, suppose I hypothesize that the consumption of individuals increases as their income increases, and suppose I find support for that hypothesis using data on US consumers. This result eventually gets published in a scientific journal. Suppose now that you decide to replicate my finding using Canadian data and you fail to replicate my findings. Few journals would actually be interested in such a finding. That’s because failing to reject the null hypothesis in a statistical test is not surprising (after all, you’ve staked 90, 95, or 99 percent of the probability mass on the null hypothesis that consumption is not associated with income), but also because, as Yong’s article highlights, that would not exactly be an “exciting, eye-catching” result.

I am currently dealing with such a “negative finding” in one of my papers, in which I find that land titles do not have the positive impact on productivity posited by the theoretical literature in Madagascar, a context where donors have invested hundreds of millions of dollars in various land titling policies. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the paper has proven to be a very tough sell.

(HT: David McKenzie.)


8
May 12

As You Sow, So Shall You Reap: The Welfare Impacts of Contract Farming

My article on contract farming titled “As You Sow, So Shall You Reap: The Welfare Impacts of Contract Farming” is finally out in World Development. Here is the abstract:

Contract farming is widely perceived as a means of increasing welfare in developing countries. Because of smallholder self-selection in contract farming, however, it is not clear whether contract farming actually increases grower welfare. In an effort to improve upon existing estimates of the welfare impacts of contract farming, this paper uses the results of a contingent-valuation experiment to control for unobserved heterogeneity among smallholders. Using data across several regions, firms, and crops in Madagascar, results indicate that a 1-percent increase in the likelihood of participating in contract farming is associated with a 0.5-percent increase in household income, among other positive impacts.

If I had to summarize the paper’s contribution informally, I’d say the estimates it presents of the welfare impacts of contract farming have better internal and external validity than those found in previous studies.

Click here for an ungated, older version (link opens a .pdf document), but note that the results in the ungated version had not undergone peer review, so they are not as solid.


7
May 12

Implementation Bias in Randomized Controlled Trials

From a new paper (link opens a .pdf file) by Oxford’s Tessa Bold and her coauthors:

The recent wave of randomized trials in development economics has provoked criticisms regarding external validity and the neglect of political economy. We investigate these concerns in a randomized trial designed to assess the prospects for scaling-up a contract teacher intervention in Kenya, previously shown to raise test scores for primary students in Western Kenya and various locations in India. The intervention was implemented in parallel in all eight Kenyan provinces by a nongovernmental organization (NGO) and the Kenyan government. Institutional differences had large e ffects on contract teacher performance. We find a signifi cant, positive effect of 0.19 standard deviations on math and English scores in schools randomly assigned to NGO implementation, and zero effect in schools receiving contract teachers from the Ministry of Education. We discuss political economy factors underlying this disparity, and suggest the need for future work on scaling up proven interventions to work within public sector institutions.

Bold et al.’s finding points to an important problem with the findings of many randomized controlled trials (RCTs): No matter how careful one is in ensuring that subjects are randomly assigned to the treatment and control groups, almost all RCTs rely on only one implementing partner. Continue reading →


24
Apr 12

Identifying Causal Relationships vs. Ruling Out All Other Possible Causes

Portrait of Artistotle (Source: Wikimedia Commons.)

I was in Washington last month to discuss my work on food prices, in which I look at whether food prices cause social unrest, at an event whose goal was to discuss the link between climate change and conflict.

As many readers of this blog know, disentangling causal relationships from mere correlations is the goal of modern science, social or otherwise, and though it is easy to test whether two variables x and y are correlated, it is much more difficult to determine whether x causes y.

So while it is easy to test whether increases in the level of food prices are correlated with episodes of social unrest, it is much more difficult to determine whether food prices cause social unrest.

In my work, I try to do so by conditioning food prices on natural disasters. To make a long story short, if you believe that natural disasters only affect social unrest through food prices, this ensures that if there is a relationship between food prices and social unrest, that relationship is cleaned out of whatever variation which is not purely due to the relationship flowing from food prices to social unrest. In other words, this ensures that the estimated relationship between the two variables is causal. This technique is known as instrumental variables estimation.

Identifying Causal Relationships vs. Ruling Out All Other Causes

As with almost any other discussion of a social-scientific issue nowadays, the issue of causality came up during one of the discussions we had at that event in Washington. It was at that point that someone implied that it did not make sense to talk of causality by bringing up the following analogy: Continue reading →


19
Mar 12

Slides of My Keynote Lecture at Last Weekend’s “Economics and Management of Risk in Agriculture and Natural Resources” Conference

I was trained as an agricultural and applied economist, so I have spent a lot of time doing research on risk as it relates to agriculture and development (see here and here for published articles).

Because of this, I have been involved with the annual Economics and Management of Risk in Agriculture and Natural Resources conference for the past few years.

I first presented at that conference in 2009, and since I had then volunteered to organize the conference, I was in charge of the conference program in 2010 and of logistics in 2011.

This year, I was asked to give the keynote lecture, in which I chose to discuss what the “credibility revolution” that took place in economics over the past ten years or so — which has lead to economists to adopting stricter standards of evidence and of statistical identification — means for agricultural and applied economics as a field.

In case you have an interest in this topic, I am making the slides of my keynote lecture are available. I think the content of those slides is especially relevant for current graduate students of agricultural and applied economics.

The Economics and Management of Risk in Agriculture and Natural Resources conference is usually held somewhere on the Gulf Coast. This year, it was held in Pensacola, FL. I took the picture on top of this post while walking along the beach early Saturday morning.