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Category: Social Sciences

Hipstermetrics

At first we were convinced that 100 percent of the variance in bike market size could be explained by the population density of a city. If you live an a densely populated area like San Francisco, bicycling is an efficient way to get around the city. If you live in Los Angeles, getting on a bicycle can’t really get you anywhere. To our surprise, population density has a nearly zero correlation with our bicycle index. If anything, it very weakly suggests the more densely populated the city, the less prevalence of biking.

That’s from a post titled “The Fixie Bike Index,” on the Priceonomics Blog.

If, like me, you are nowhere near hip enough to know what a fixie is, let me spare you a Google search: a fixie is a fixed-gear bicycle, which is apparently a much-coveted item among hipsters. That’s right: grown men and women enjoy riding around town on a bike like the one you and I used to ride when we were 8 years old.

That being said, let’s go back to the image above. Note how the above-referenced post explains how “population density has a nearly zero correlation with our bicycle index,” which, “[i]f anything, (…) very weakly suggests the more densely populated the city, the less prevalence of biking.”

I guess someone missed the lecture on how sensitive the mean is to outliers back in college. A quick look at the scatter plot and regression line above indicate that the latter is driven by the point on the far right.

Remove that point, and it looks like there might be a positive relationship between a city’s bike index and the density of its population. Trim all four outliers, and it’s really not obvious what is going on.

Surely there’s a bookshop in Williamsburg that has a used copy of Kennedy’s Guide to Econometrics for sale?

(HT: @mungowitz‘s snark, which is not to be confused with Echidna’s Arf.)

Is It Time for a T Party in Impact Evaluation?

When we write a dynamic model in economics, we typically use the subscript t to denote a given time period, and we usually say that t = 1, 2, …, T, where T denotes the last time period considered by our model. Likewise, we usually use T to denote the number of time periods considered in a longitudinal data set.

With that in mind, the World Bank’s David McKenzie argues for more T in the experiments conducted by development economists in a forthcoming article in the Journal of Development Economics:

The vast majority of randomized experiments in economics rely on a single baseline and single follow-up survey. If multiple follow-ups are conducted, the reason is typically to examine the trajectory of impact effects, so that in effect only one follow-up round is being used to estimate each treatment effect of interest. While such a design is suitable for study of highly autocorrelated and relatively precisely measured outcomes in the health and education domains, this article makes the case that it is unlikely to be optimal for measuring noisy and relatively less autocorrelated outcomes such as business profits, household incomes and expenditures, and episodic health outcomes. Taking multiple measurements of such outcomes at relatively short intervals allows one to average out noise, increasing power. When the outcomes have low autocorrelation and budget is limited, it can make sense to do no baseline at all. Moreover, I show how for such outcomes, more power can be achieved with multiple follow-ups than allocating the same total sample size over a single follow-up and baseline. I also highlight the large gains in power from ANCOVA analysis rather than difference-in-differences analysis when autocorrelations are low and a baseline is taken. This article discusses the issues involved in multiple measurements, and makes recommendations for the design of experiments and related non-experimental impact evaluations.

This brings to mind what one of my friends who works in the microfinance industry had told me the last time we argued about the effects of microfinance on poverty: “It can take a long time to get out of poverty even in the best of scenarios, so evaluating the impact of microfinance after just one or two years tends to shortchange microfinance.”

Moreover, this makes me less worried about not having had the luxury of conducting a baseline survey for the randomized controlled trial I am conducting with Michael Carter and Catherine Guirkinger on the impacts of crop insurance on the welfare of cotton producers in southern Mali. Thankfully, we will be doing at least two rounds of follow-up survey in order to study the dynamic effects of our intervention, and we are working on finding funding for a third round.

UPDATE: In the time between the moment I wrote this post on Sunday morning and the moment it was published, David offered his own blog post on his paper on the World Bank’s Development Impact blog.

Contributing to Public Goods: My 20 Rules for Refereeing

The development economics blogosphere has been abuzz with talk of refereeing lately. Here are some words of advice from Quarterly Journal of Economics editor Larry Katz in an interview with Berk Özler on the Development Impacts blog, here is David McKenzie on the same blog, and here is Chris Blattman.

I cannot possibly claim to be among the best referees, but by my count, I have refereed 56 57 papers and two book manuscripts since 2005, and I do take pride in my refereeing, which might explain why I was asked to become associate editor at the American Journal of Agricultural Economics for 2012-2015.

As such, I figured I should chime in with my own advice about how to referee papers. I cannot say I always follow every single one of the 20 rules that follow but those are, by and large, the rules I try to live by as a referee. Some of those rules are derived from a similar list by Chris Barrett, who gave the students in his graduate empirical development micro class a list of such rules.

Because the following list is highly idiosyncratic, I would be very happy to hear about your own rules in the comments. And because this is a specialized post, I’m placing the list under the fold.