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Marc F. Bellemare Posts

Gender Differences in Agricultural Productivity

This week in my development seminar, we discussed the agricultural household, an economic agent that encompasses is both a producer and a consumer. We then discussed intrahousehold allocations. That is, the distribution of resources within the household, and whether that distribution is efficient.

As part of that discussion, we discussed Udry (1996), a paper every student of development economics is familiar with. Whereas one would expect men and women to be equally productive on their respective plots within the household, Udry finds that in Burkina Faso, men are more productive than women at the margin when controlling for a host of confounding factors.

In practical terms, this means that the land within the average household could be redistributed from women to men to increase household productivity, which falls about 6 percent short of what it could be due to the gender differences in agricultural productivity. More generally, this constitutes a rejection of the hypothesis that the distribution of resources within the household is efficient as well as a rejection of the hypothesis that the preferences of the individuals within the household can be represented by the preferences of a single individual.

I was thus surprised last spring when I read in Ed Carr’s Delivering Development that he’d found that in Ghana, the gender difference went the other way around, i.e., women are more productive than men. Indeed, in chapter 4, Ed writes:

This decision-making becomes even more problematic when we consider the relative agricultural productivity of men and women in Dominase and Ponkrum. My research suggests that women in these villages are between two and three times more productive than their husbands, in terms of income per hectare. While to some extent this is a result of the fact that women farm much less land and therefore can crop it much more intensely than their husbands can their lands, this higher productivity is apparent even when women’s farms increase in size.

Of course, this would need to be subjected to the proper empirical specification and to a battery of statistical tests, but assuming the finding holds, it would be interesting to compare the two countries given that Burkina Faso and Ghana share a border. Is the change in gender differences due to different institutions? Different crops? I’m sure Ed will chime in with a bit more discussion in the comments below.

Hemingway’s Writing Habits

From a 1958 interview with the Paris Review:

Interviewer: When do you work? Do you keep to a strict schedule?

Ernest Hemingway: When I am working on a book or story I write every morning as soon after first light as possible. There is no one to disturb you and it is cool or cold and you come to your work and warm as you write. You read what you have written and, as you always stop when you know what is going to happen next, you go on from there. You write until you come to a place where you still have your juice and you know what will happen next and you stop and try to live through until the next day when you hit it again. You have started at six in the morning, say, and may go on until noon or be through before that. When you stop you are as empty, and at the same time never empty but filling, as when you have made love to someone you love. Nothing can hurt you, nothing can happen, nothing means anything until the next day when you do it again. It is the wait until the next day that is hard to get through.

(HT: Daily Routines.)

“Whether You Liked Him Or Not, Gadaffi Used To Fix A Lot Of Holes”

An article on Tuareg insurgencies in Mali and Niger, by Frédéric Deycard and Yvan Guichaoua in African Arguments:

As soon as the early 1970s, severe droughts coupled with political marginalisation have affected the already scarce resources available for the Tuaregs of Northern Mali and Niger, forcing them into exile. Algeria and Libya, in part due to the presence of Tuareg populations on their soil, have become a destination of preference for this generation of youths in quest of employment.  Taking the route to Libya has never since ceased to be a defining moment in the life of the so-called ishumar (derived from the French ‘chômeurs’, the unemployed). Some of them have developed activities on both sides of the border, whether for seasonal employment or for informal, and sometimes illegal, trafficking (cigarettes, gas, and material goods among others). Those economic opportunities have permitted Northern Mali and Niger to survive difficulties through the financial and material flux allowed by the Libyan leader.