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Marc F. Bellemare Posts

From Policy Research to Policy Making

A few days ago, the Global Development Network tweeted about a paper entitled “Converting Policy Research Into Policy Decisions: The Role of Communication and the Media,” by the International Food Policy Research Institute‘s Klaus von Grebmer.

While the (short) paper focuses on food security and on the media, it made me think about what I perceive as an important problem in economics. Many academic economists seem to care only about communicating their research findings to other academic economists.

I have only once been asked to review a paper in which the authors had clearly made no effort at communicating the real-world, policy importance of their findings. I have often been asked, however, to review papers in which the results appear relevant for policy but in which the authors had made no particular effort at telling their readers why this was the case.

It is also common among graduate students of economics to equate complexity with rigor or relevance. I remember sitting in an empirical development economics class in graduate school discussing Duflo and Pande’s then working paper entitled “Dams.” Some of us, fresh out of the first-year core theory courses, wondered whether this was truly an economics paper given that there were so few equations and little in the way of theoretical modeling.

It is true that graduate economics training at Cornell greatly emphasized theory when I was there, but this point of view is still common among graduate students of economics, at least in some quarters. One need only spend time reading the anonymous forum dedicated to the job market for PhD economists to realize it: “How can this paper be published in Econometrica? There are no equations in it!” Or better yet: “Elinor Ostrom did not deserve the Nobel, I’ve never even heard of her!”

What many graduate students of economics (my younger self included) fail to realize is that theoretical or empirical rigor, even when combined with a policy-relevant research question, is useless if it is not framed adequately and if its results are not discussed clearly. In other words, how you communicate your research results is usually as important as how you came up with them.

I am not saying my writing is perfect. I am not even saying that I write all that well. My writing was frankly mediocre when graduated from Cornell and joined Duke, and it’s a wonder anyone read enough of my dissertation to decide it was worthy of an award.

What I am saying is that I have become increasingly aware of the importance of writing.

The feedback from my mid-tenure review focused on my writing, among other things. If I wanted my papers to be considered by more general interest journals, if I wanted my papers to be cited, I needed to learn to frame my research contributions better.

Concretely, this meant spending a great deal of time writing and rewriting the abstract and the introduction of my papers. A senior colleague whose opinion I highly value told me that he did not want to read about the Slutsky matrix when he read the abstract and, to a lesser extent, the introduction to my paper with Chris Barrett and David Just on price risk.

The best piece of advice that same colleague gave me was to make sure a college-educated reader who had taken nothing more  than an introductory course in economics could understand what I was doing in my papers by reading the introduction.

As a consequence, one of the objectives I set out to achieve during my mid-tenure sabbatical was to become a better writer. This meant spending some time reading good writing (both fiction and nonfiction), and a great deal of time writing and rewriting my papers so as to (i) make their contributions as clear as possible; and (ii) appeal to as broad an audience as possible.

What turns research results into policy is how well these results are communicated to policy makers to begin with. And even if you don’t care about policy, who is going to want to read, let alone cite your badly written research?

n+1’s Year in Review

n+1 magazine has an excellent albeit idiosyncratic two-part review of the year 2010 as seen from various places, both in the real world and online. The first part is here. The second part is here.

On India:

“And so, as a parting gift for 2010 (…) comes a court decision from the central Indian state of Chattisgarh. After having kept an elderly doctor called Binayak Sen in prison for two years, the court has decided that Dr. Sen’s sympathies for the Maoist guerrillas in Chattisgarh and his tendency to offer free medical services for the deprived and brutalized indigenous population of the state counts as sedition against the Indian state. The penalty? Life Imprisonment.”

On Denmark:

“A one-legged boxer from Belgium accidentally exploded a bomb in a hotel bathroom, injuring only himself. His target was supposed to be the Copenhagen office of the newspaper Jyllands-Posten, which published the Mohammed cartoons. In an electronics store a few blocks away, I watched the event unfold on dozens of HD TVs. Oprah visited the city and was amazed, ‘The more you earn, the more you pay in taxes? Wow.'”

If you are interested in culture, especially as it relates to politics, do yourself a favor and take a look at n+1’s website. I don’t always agree with its contributors, but I always enjoy their writings.

Wealth-Maximizing Norms: Evidence from “The Swiss Family Robinson”

From the original 1816 English translation of The Swiss Family Robinson, which I read while on sabbatical last year:

“Oh dear papa, cried Francis, do give me the shell, it will be such a pretty plaything!

No, no, bawled out another: and one and all contended for the preference. I imposed silence, declaring that the right was entirely in Fritz, since it was he who had harpooned the animal, who, but for his dexterity and skill, would be at this moment existing in the sea.–But, continued I, it may be well to ask what each of you thought of doing with the shell if he had obtained it?”

This reminded me of Robert C. Ellickson’s 1989 paper “A Hypothesis of Wealth Maximizing Norms: Evidence from the Whaling Industry” as well as of Ellickson’s 1994 book, which is a more elaborate treatment of the same topic with several more applications.

In his paper, Ellickson conducts a case study of the whaling industry in the 18th and 19th centuries (think Moby Dick) so as to argue that social norms emerge and evolve with the objective of maximizing wealth. In this context, “maximizing wealth” really means minimizing transaction costs and deadweight losses, and this is not unlike Posner’s hypothesis that the goal of Common Law is to maximize efficiency.

For example, Ellickson discusses the Iron-Holds-the-Whale norm. According to this norm, whoever harpooned a whale first became its owner once the animal was captured, but this only held as long as the whaler who had first harpooned the whale was in fresh pursuit.

To understand why the Iron-Holds-the-Whale norm is wealth-maximizing, suppose whalers A and B both managed to harpoon a given whale, but that the whale manages to elude them both.

After some time, whaler C harpoons the whale and manages to kill it, finding A and B’s harpoons stuck in it. Even if it were possible to identify who of A and B each harpoon belongs to, the transaction costs involved in determining who harpooned the whale first would be prohibitive. This means that a Finders Keepers norm would not maximize wealth.

The Iron-Holds-the-Whale norm is similar in spirit to the concept of adverse possession, according to which one can become the de facto owner of a plot of land after continuously occupying the land for a set amount of time.